Suchergebnisse

According to the standard account in American corporate law, states compete to supply corporate law to American corporations, with Delaware dominating the market. This "competition" metaphor in turn informs some of the most important policy debates in American corporate law. This Article complicates the standard account, introducing foreign nations as emerging lawmakers that compete with American states in the increasingly globalized market for corporate law. In recent decades, entrepreneurial foreign nations in offshore islands have used permissive corporate governance rules and specialized business courts to attract publicly traded American corporations. Aided in part by a select group of private sector lawyers who draft legislation for these lawmakers, foreign nations enable American corporations to opt out of mandatory rules that are axiomatic features of American corporate law. This Article documents an emerging international market for corporate law that has largely been undetected by legal scholars who presuppose an interstate market. While acknowledging the potential benefits offered by foreign nations competing to attract American corporations, this Article highlights a series of countervailing considerations that render any claims about gains from international jurisdictional competition premature at best.

THIS ARTICLE BEGINS BY PRESENTING THREE MODELS OF A DISCOURSE-BASED POLITICS. THE FIRST TWO MODELS PROPOSE CONSTRAINTS ON DISCOURSE, HOLDING THAT ONLY BY SUITABLY LIMITING THE SCOPE OF ARGUMENT IS IT POSSIBLE TO REACH AGREEMENT. IT CLOSES BY DEFENDING A MODIFIED VERSION OF A MODEL OF CONSTRAINED DISCOURSE ON THE GROUNDS THAT IT IS THE ONLY STRATEGY THAT OFFERS THE HOPE OF ACHEIVING UNCOERCED AGREEMENT.

Presents a model of UK local economic development characterised by a grassroots orientation and partnership between public and private actors--marriages a la mode. Offers research findings on emergence of LEIs. Factors in the structure of their respective political economics appear to have made for a speedier adoption in Western Australia than Tasmania of such alternative policy characteristics as a grassroots participatory approach to policy design and implementation. (Abstract amended)

The pathways of equitable access to work and residency for migrants in the United States are fraught with inconsistencies. Spouses of migrants on a specialty occupation visa (H1B) cannot obtain a social security number, and therefore, their legal standing entirely depends on their H1B spouses. Moreover, these spouses, who are predominantly women from non-Western countries, are strictly prohibited from participating in any type of income-generating activities, including self-employment. Restriction on migrant spouses' workforce participation perpetuates their involuntary financial dependency, which creates such problems as lowered self-esteem, depression, suicidality, marital problems, and domestic violence. In this article, I build on the previous works to further illuminate how the social construction, that is, a popular image or stereotypes of non-Western women as dependents and deviants might have contributed to creating and maintaining the H4 visa regulations while contemplating its long-term impact in light of the U.S. nation-building effort based on the Theory of Social Construction of Target Populations. The social construction lens offers a framework for social work scholars, educators, and practitioners to critically examine and articulate the mechanisms through which stereotypes and bias toward vulnerable populations influence policy design and thereby dictate their life choices and positioning in society.

This study examines international students in Korea as skilled labor migrants, specifically for small and medium-sized enterprises. It suggests that strengthening the study–work pathway as in other advanced countries represents a viable, future-oriented strategy in addressing the complications associated with hiring foreigners from abroad.